Somalia’s move to invite Egyptian troops on its soil is playing out in differences between Mogadishu and its federal states, in what could derail the country’s focus on security needs.
On Wednesday, hundreds of people in Waajid, the second major town in Bakol region in South West State (SWS) of Somalia protested along the streets, carrying placards with such slogans as ‘doonimayno Masar’ (we don’t want Egypt) and ‘soo dhowoow Itoobiya’ (welcome Ethiopia).
The protests derailed transportation between Baidoa, the South West capital and Mogadishu as authorities sought to calm the unusual protests.
As a result, Somali Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre flew to Baidoa in the company of top aides including the Director of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) Abdullahi Mohamed Ali alias Sanbaloolshe.
They went to convince the SWS leader Abdiaziz Laftagareen that the federal government has plans to deploy enough forces to guarantee the security of his State in the event that Ethiopia is replaced.
As per Somalia’s plan, the current African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) is undergoing a drawdown, expected to end the mission by December 31st this year.
ATMIS is expected to be replaced by another AU peacekeeping force named the African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), which according to a decision taken by the Somali government will no longer have Ethiopian forces, effective 1st January 2025.
Instead, Egyptian troops, tentatively numbered 5,000 will take part in the new AUSSOM plus additional 5,000 arriving via bilateral agreement between Somalia and Egypt.
Following the prime minister’s visit to Baidoa, Mr Laftagareen was expected to travel to Mogadishu to iron out the difference between the federal government and the regional state.
“The Somali National Forces are adequately empowered to grant the security of the States and any worries on security will be cleared,” Barre had said in Baidoa.
But the South West isn’t the only one expressing opposition to Mogadisghu’s policies. Puntland state had earlier ‘suspended’ cooperation after a fall-out over political reform.
And Somaliland, which claimed secession but remains unrecognised, earlier angered Mogadishu after signing a controversial MoU with Ethiopia for Addis Ababa to build a naval base.
Those three events now seem to be playing out in Somalia. For the South West, the Wdeal with Egypt became unpopular because its regions have relied on Ethiopian forces for security.
Of the three regions, including Bay and Lower Shabelle, of which SWS is composed; Bakol is the one bordering Ethiopia, and its people share security, trade and other cross-border issues.
Wajid District Commissioner Mohamed Moalim Yusuf stated that the districts, region and the SWS as a whole rely on the Ethiopian forces.
“The peace, stability and education in Waif town are achieved through the sacrifices of the Ethiopian troops,” said Yusuf as protesters held cards showing the Ethiopian flag.
The murmurs began when the first two Egyptian army planes landed at Mogadishu’s Aden Abdulle International Airport towards the end of August to deliver weapons.
Egypt had supported Somalia before, against Ethiopia. In the 1960s and 1970s, that support was often celebrated. This year seems different.
Somaliland initially condemned the delivery. Last week, it closed down an Egyptian library in Hargeisa and ordered expatriate staffers out.
Unlike the breakaway Somaliland authority that was expected to condemn the FGS’s move, and embrace Ethiopia, South West State (SWS)’s rejection now means the country will be divided over who comes in for the new mission.
Even the South West itself isn’t united. Tension rose when about two dozen lawmakers representing SWS in the Lower House of the federal parliament, last week, strongly spoke out in favour of the pro-Ethiopian demonstrations in Bakol region while others also from SWS rejected the Ethiopian preference as anti-Somali interest.
Sensing great escalation of tensions and polarisation within the legislature, the Speaker of Somalia’s Lower House, officially known as the House of the People, Aden Mohamed Nur Madobe issued a directive banning all press conferences from being held both inside and outside the parliamentary premises.
Outspoken MP Dahir Amin Jesow came out critical of the ban.
“Press conferences are a tool to voice our views. Denying such opportunities amounts to suppression of political transparency and open discourse,” Jesow told the media.
The MPs have since resorted to social media, enhancing divisions. The pro-Mogadishu MPs asked parliament to revoke the immunity of the pro-Ethiopian lawmakers so that they can be prosecuted for treason.
Speaker Madobe who himself hails from the SWS mediated between the two blocs and softened the rigidity held by the sides.
But this week, the difference between the SWS and the FGS took an uglier phase that frightened the general public.
It is a development that looks to follow President Laftagareen calling on members of the FGS hailing from the South West to come to Baidoa for consultations on current issues.
On Tuesday, the Somali government was accused of blocking flights from Mogadishu to Baidoa forcing passengers, including businessmen, students, medical patients, and the body of a deceased individual to be transported for burial, albeit temporarily stranded at Mogadishu’s Aden Abdulle Airport.
Although the flights resumed hours later, the Somali Civil Aviation Authority (SCAA) denied blocking flights.
Ms Sareed Mohamed Abdalla, a legislator from South West who said that her ticket to Baidoa was confiscated by federal security agents on Thursday.
“A security agent from NISA took my ticket, told me to fly to Baidoa,” Ms Abdalla told the media.
MPs opposing the SWS Authority of President Laftagareen stress that meetings against the FGS are being organised in Baidoa and that Laftagareen himself started travel disruptions by selectively denying MPs to travel to their constituencies.
Read the original story on The East Africa
